Bond Notes and Zimbabwe’s Bifurcated Economy.

The re-introduction of the Zimbabwe Dollar under the guise of Bond Notes has caused much consternation in Zimbabwe’s Economy. The better part of 2016 has seen Zimbabweans from all walks of life protesting or making submissions to the monetary and fiscal authorities in Zimbabwe to shelve the plans to introduce Bond Notes. As you are reading this piece Bond Notes are already a reality within our economy and in one way or the other we must deal with them. A lawyer friend of mine sent me a text message this morning: Big Men I saw them with my own eyes. I saw the bond notes. It is not hearsay. They were counting big men, and those are not bricks but concrete blocks. They are already being sold and for US$1000 you get ZWBN1500 (1500 Zimbabwe Bond Notes). Already some enterprising people- though connected to the party-state- are using their proximity to tap into the chaos.

Two major problems that Zimbabweans should embrace to tackle is their scavenging public and private executives and the bifurcated nature of the economy- a legacy of colonialism- that creates a two societies in one but with contradictory yet at often times complementary economics. Precisely two economies are operating in Zimbabwe: One based on the fundamentals of modernity and market economics vs. non-market modes of economy. These economies feed into each other creating a complex economy (mixture of formal and informal) that calls for solutions that go beyond orthodoxy western based teleological modernism. However, the crude reality is that the consumption tastes and patterns of most Zimbabweans operate within Western Modernism but at the same time the logic that informs their economics is a fusion of non-capitalist and capitalist modes. The interesting aspect is that the fundamental principles that informs these two worlds are irreconcilable, but to some sections of Zimbabweans they do not see the linkages. This poses the greatest challenges to economic reformers in Zimbabwe. 

The opposition in Zimbabwe is popular for the saying ‘you can’t rig the economy’. The statement presupposes waiting for an Economic Armageddon that will see the confinement of the bad ones of society (ZANU PF) to a Political Gehenna, in the same manner to the biblical Armageddon when sinners will be burnt in hell. This kind of economic logic will likely succeed in a highly urbanised and capitalist societies. The Greek crisis validates the Economic Armageddon End Game, yet events in Zimbabwe since the late 1990s has proved otherwise. ZANU PF’s grip on power failed to collapse even under the worst known inflation levels in human history outside a war zone. The height of the crisis in 2008, even saw ZANU PF and President Mugabe garnering significant support base closer to 50% in the March 2008 elections, despite their defeat in those elections. The significant support base that ZANU PF has been getting indicates a disjuncture between voting behaviour pattern and economic governance. It therefore raises fundamental questions why there has been failing to be an economic implosion outside the state sponsored violence thesis.

This lack of correlation between economic governance and political behaviour of citizens is not surprising when one reads Mhone, Ekeh and Mamdani’s characterisation of the post-colonial state and its attendant problems. Mhone observes that the African post-colonial economy is a structured capitalist enclave with low labour absorptive capacities and thus to lead to islands of prosperity circled by seas of poverty. The impact of the dual economic governance system is also mirrored in Mamdani's conceptualisation of civil society that the post-colonial African state has both, civil (modern) and customary (tradition/native) societies operating alongside each other. Peter Ekeh’s thesis on Colonialism and the Two Publics in Africa, further illuminates on the nature of the post-colonial society- primordial vs. civic- that emerged in post-colonial Africa and accounts for the dual governance system.

A reading of Rosa Luxembourg’s articulation of different modes of production and how capitalism manages to sustain itself by tapping into non-capitalist forms of production is also insightful to understand why the Zimbabwe’s economy has failed to collapse. The statistics indicate a 67% rural based population vs. 33% urban, close to 80% of the Zimbabwean adult population not having bank accounts and more than 90% of Zimbabweans depending on informal or subsistence economies. The argument in these statistics is not necessarily the geographical location but that they present the highest possible chances of citizens' interaction with and assimilating modern economic principles and modes of governance. This re-configuring of the economy has created a complex economy that is neither modern nor traditional, yet at the same time provide opportunities for some and misfortunes for others. It is that group that sees immediate benefits that will sustain the bond notes and they constitute a commanding majority against those minority- mostly urban based, rural petit-bourgeoisie, middle and working class- who will lose out because of their deep immersion in the formal economy. For those in the rural areas and informal economy Bond Notes present an alternative or it will help them to transact in and accumulate the short term. The question of sustainability of the Bond Note is a debate for another day as they must hustle (kuKiya-kiya) to the next day.

In my conversations with some Zimbabweans who are taken advantage of by unscrupulous dealers and business operators, they argue that they would rather dance to the tune on the dance floor. For this section of citizens whether Bond Notes or whatever currency is proposed they will use it because they think it is a passing phase and the question of how we got there is a non-issue for them. The extra-commissions charged by money transfer agencies or the demands by business operators to match amount of goods bought and cash given, practices outside money transfer platforms have rendered citizens hapless. The introduction of Bond Notes will give power to this group to negotiate the value of goods, services and foreign currency without being taken advantage of by predatory business people. A read of Mawowa and Matongo as well as Chagonda gives insights on how business and the state benefitted from parallel market and speculative activities at the expense of ordinary citizens. History is most likely to repeat itself as those who see benefits will only have immediate short-term benefits but the major beneficiaries will be the ruling party, the political connected and big business. These three entities, like in the hyper-inflation  era will be able to hedge their losses but maximise the returns and survive. For the ruling party and President Mugabe, the rule of self preservation- survival -matters most as he seeks a de-facto life presidency project.

The most intriguing question for most people is why ZANU PF continues to get support amidst such a debilitating economic crisis? From MDC-T’s Charlton Hwende to PDP’s Vince Musewe grumblings on their Facebook walls on the lack of correlation between economic governance and voting behaviour outcome- ZANU PF candidate amassed more than 11000 votes vs. 3000 for the second highest candidate- in Chimanimani, and it seems the same trend will likely continue into 2018, all things being equal. This puzzle is not only a phenomenon of geography (rural-urban divide) but a structural question where you have some significant sections of citizens partially or totally not socialised within the modern economy. A debate with one of my scientist cousins is anecdotal to the nature of our bifurcated economy. He argued that Bond Notes are good and they will help to easy liquidity and would not lead to any quasi-financial activities as in the hyper-inflation period. He premised his arguments on that John Mangudya is engaging and not abrasive like Gideon Gono and therefore we will not witness the raiding of bank accounts. Yet, on the flip side of his argument Alex Magaisa’s article articulates how we got to the present crisis and exposes the fallacy of his arguments built on social factors rather than economic facts.

The excessive abuse of Treasury Bills as an instrument for raising cash on the domestic market by the government to meet consumption rather than production goals and the Reserve Bank's directive for the repatriation of Nostro Bank Balances all sounded like the biblical Tower of Babel to him in our conversation.  This immediately make me ponder that if greenwood can burn like this what of dry wood. Despite the high literacy rate in Zimbabwe, we still lack financial and economic literacy. This financial and economic illiteracy presents challenges to all anti-bond notes activists, given that they have become the elephant in the room. Our prescriptions or engagement with the public have largely remained trapped in modernity yet our people are mired in the bifurcated economy where different conceptions of citizenship, morality and material expectations prevail.

The Dilemmas for Democrats in the Third World: Reflections on Fidel Castro’s Legacy

The death of Fidel Castro at 90 has sparked a huge debate in the developing world whether to call him a dictator or revolutionary. A departmental colleague Jess du Plessis tagged me on her Facebook post of the 26^th of November 2016: “Cuban Diaspora. A tribute to an unwavering human…Give me your thoughts…Charlotte Visagie, Tamuka Charles Chirimambowa and Larry Onyango please? I pondered on what to say to her, as I got caught up between remembering Fidel Castro as a revolutionary or dictator. It looks like I will be engaged in an endless and inconclusive soliloquy, as it is a neither-nor question but Janus faced. This raises challenges for democrats particularly in the Third World, where people of colour had to wage wars or struggles of decolonisation from Western powers. Fidel Castro was instrumental to the waging of wars of liberation within the Third World yet at the same time, a significant population of Cubans have complained of his authoritarian rule. The Cuban Diaspora is a stain on Fidel Castro’s history and its size maybe debatable but the fact is that there are many Cubans who strongly view him as a dictator. Yes, Fidel Castro had many positive contributions but his greatest weakness has been how to manage or deal with opposing views. My colleague Jess posed a very good but challenging question for democrats in the Third World and my simple answer is: It is not what it ought to be, but what it is. In this case, Fidel Castro was neither a revolutionary/liberator of the people but one of the many Cubans that fought imperialism and colonisation, yet at the same time had his limitations. His main challenge was overstaying in the office and seeing the revolution as him. Che Guevara’s advice that the people have no liberators but are their own liberators could have been useful to Fidel Castro and those who may want to understand the struggles for Liberation by the Underclass in the former colonised worlds.

History across all humanity and geography is replete with teachings, stories, personalities or values that have always sought to defend society’s underprivileged or poor (underclass). From Robin Hood, Oliver Twist, Cinderella, Aristotle’s conceptualisation of arête in contrast to that of the Epicureans to the tortoise’s victories over the hare in African folklore; the message has always been about giving dignity and protection to the poor or less privileged in society. Humanity acknowledges and is aware of the trepidation of the exercise of power and how this may create a dangerous society to the poor. The positive eulogies for Castro in the Third World when viewed from the perspective of fighting in the corner of the underclass are understandable and Takura Zhangazha’s blog article articulates this well and needs further emphasis. The Cuban Leader, Fidel Castro’s contribution to the improvement of the underclass is unquestionable yet at the same time had its many faults. Castro managed to successfully establish an education and health system that sought to cater for everyone regardless of one’s class. The contribution of Cubans to the fight against imperialism and colonialism in the Third World remains unquestionable. Castro and Cubans have been known to have vigorously and religiously pursued the fight against imperialism and at the same time faced an onslaught from the West, especially the United States of America.

However, the question to Castro’s legacy is not his contribution towards the underclass but how do progressives manage dissent in a non-authoritarian manner. It would be irresponsible for democrats in the Third World to argue that there were no challenges of repression to dissenting voices in Cuba. The challenge for democrats in the modern world go beyond creating a society for one class only but for all classes (the poor and the rich). The underclass needs protection from the powerful or the haves but at the same time, the privileged need protection from tyranny of the underclass. It this dilemma that we are caught in today; how do we remember the contributions and contradictions of our gallant fighters in a sea of cacophony as argued by Emmanuel Sairosi. Can we envision a democracy or progressive politics that can arbitrate our differences and at the same time remain on the path to a political Nirvana?

The discourse of democratisation within the Third World has always been pitched between the poor vs. the rich. Democracy is reduced to a struggle between socio-economic rights vs. civil and political rights. Yet, a close analysis shows that these rights are inseparable and mutually inclusive. You can’t enjoy socio-economic rights at the expense of civil and political liberties.  Shivji conceptualisation of the struggle against colonisation as part of the democratic equation in Africa may assist us to begin to envision a new society and return to democracy. Attempts at splitting rights traps us within the binaries of benevolent dictators and cruel dictators. At a Trust Africa, UNECA and OSISA organised conference on developmental states in Africa, I had an exchange with Baffour Ankomah after justifying Mugabe’s excesses during Fast Track Land Reform. His argument was to make omelette, you need to break eggs. I immediately quipped if he would like to be the first one to sacrifice his life so that he may enjoy social economic rights from the coffin. The whole conference room giggled, but the thorny question was how do we realise progressive politics without resorting to authoritarianism. Do we need to torture, rape and maim those with dissenting voice to give land to black people or address historical inequality? Similarly, for Castro’s Cuba, was it necessary to torment the many Cubans into exile to implement Socialism? Does socialism or the Left need authoritarianism to deliver a good life. The Cuban Diaspora remains an eyesore to Castro’s legacy. Despite the arguments of sell outs and revolutionaries, some of the Cuban Diaspora may have collaborated with imperialist forces, but it is not all of them. Some have genuine questions to be addressed and it seems the Cuban Project failed on that aspect. This poses challenges to the left and democrats within the Third World: How do we manage dissent without resorting to authoritarian tendencies? Does it mean we need benevolent dictators as opposed to cruel dictators to address the question of the poor?

I wouldn’t want to trash Fidel Castro’s contribution to humanity, but at the same time I deem it irresponsible to ignore the Cuban Diaspora who have been victims to his rule. His legacy has many positives but at the same time is tainted with dark stains. The challenge for those within the Third World is how to envision a progressive politics or democracy that harvests international solidarity but at the same time manages dissent in a non-authoritarian manner.

The Key Tasks of Zimbabwe’s Democratic Opposition in an Authoritarian Regime.

This piece is a reflection on the key tasks of the democratic opposition in eroding authoritarianism within the context of the new wave of protests that have hit Zimbabwe. It is argued in this this piece that Zimbabwe’s democratic opposition has managed to regain its former glory and increased the cost of authoritarianism. Alfred Stepan outlines five key tasks of the democratic opposition: resisting integration into the regime; guarding zones of autonomy against it; disputing its legitimacy; raising the costs of authoritarian role; and creating a credible democratic alternative. Stepan further argues that the democratic opposition should contribute to the incremental erosion of authoritarianism. The democratic opposition has been composed of mainly political parties, trade unions, kombi drivers, cross border traders, the unemployed, human rights organisations, residents associations, the churches and social media activists. There is a resurgence of protests and newfound activism that have galvanised Zimbabwe’s citizenry in challenging a seemingly omnipresent and invincible authoritarian Mugabe security apparatus.  Finally, Zimbabwe’s democratic opposition has managed to satisfy four out of the five key roles that Stepan outlines and are necessary in eroding authoritarianism. It is the fifth one of creating a credible democratic alternative that remains the missing link.

Resisting integration into the regime

The incorporation of the mainstream opposition and certain elements of civil society into the Government of National Union (GNU) signified a failure to appreciate the first principle any democratic opposition should not fall prey to: incorporation. Although by default rather than design; the 31^st of July elections provided the democratic opposition in Zimbabwe with a chance to extricate itself from attempts of incorporation into ZANU PF authoritarianism. Whilst the 2013 elections somehow had created a gloom and doom scenario in the immediacy of the aftermath of the elections, the long term of the post-election environment has been galore with positive fortunes for the democratic opposition. To its credit, the democratic opposition has been patient and persistent, when it almost seemed logical to surrender to ZANU PF’s nationalist authoritarianism. In particular, the continued MDCs’ challenge to Mugabe rule, Zimbabwe People First (ZimPF) to Mugabe’s dictatorship and refusal of the civil service unions to be cajoled by a $100.00 salary advance among others proved to be a game changer in guarding against co-optation. This laid a solid foundation that emboldened the citizenry as the regime capitulated after realising that the stayaway had successfully shutdown business and had the potential to fast track it towards the exit door.

Guarding zones of autonomy

 The post 31^st of July 2013 elections saw the democratic opposition losing its hegemony within the public sphere as citizens became highly demoralised by the electoral defeat. In addition, some sections of the international community wrote off the democratic opposition and moved towards re-engagement with the ZANU PF authoritarian regime based on arguments of political pragmatism. In short, Zimbabwe’s democratic opposition had lost its key zones of autonomy. However, the internecine factional struggles and politics of vindictiveness in ZANU PF and ultimately the purging of those perceived disloyal to President Mugabe’s continued rule created the cleavages upon which the democratic opposition could prise further apart to its advantage. From the MDC-T’s jobs demonstrations and marches, the launch of the Zimbabwe People First and its successful rallies, Kombi drivers’ protests against extortionist police roadblocks, civil service union strikes, and church led #ThisFlag movement signified the democratic opposition reclaiming its once lost zone. The tapping into social media managed to create new public spheres, where citizens could freely express themselves outside the reach of the oppressive state.  This expanded the zones of autonomy into the virtual world as the state became clueless in reigning in on the many faceless e-citizens. The democratic opposition has further managed to reclaim its zones of autonomy as international solidarity started to stream back towards the quest to democratise Zimbabwe.

Disputing the legitimacy and raising the cost of authoritarianism

Zimbabwe’s democratic opposition has successful continued to question the legitimacy of the ZANU PF authoritarian regime. The continued disputation of the 2013 elections results and authority of President Mugabe has remained an Achilles heel for the ZANU PF led government’s efforts to mask its dictatorship. The democratic opposition has continued to exert pressure on ZANU PF authoritarianism, a foundation upon which the recent citizens’ movements have managed to amplify and made authoritarianism costly. The sprouting of grassroots protests by various formations of the democratic opposition as well as the emergence of new players has galvanised the citizenry and stretched the authoritarian regime. Stepan argues that, “The more that new or pre-existing democratic trade unions, parties, or community movements take root and flourish, the less space is left for the implantation of new-model authoritarian institutions”. Authoritarianism need to be given no breathing and breeding ground. It is the call to duty for the democratic opposition to shrink the space for, and suffocate authoritarianism. Seemingly small they may be, these actions slowly erode authoritarianism as the regime is continuously kept on its tors. There is a need to sustain the cost and overstretch the regime to its point of elasticity until it crumbles. Lieutenant General Phillip Valerio Sibanda’s threats to social media activists signify a regime feeling the heat.

The embrace of the beleaguered war veterans’ leadership and rendering them solidarity at the courts despite the criticisms and cautions from sections of the democratic opposition has also raised the cost of authoritarianism. The solidarity to war veterans has in some way created a headache for ZANU PF authoritarianism as one of its former key pillars questioned President Mugabe’s divisive and dictatorial politics. In addition, ZANU PF is caught in a quandary on how to depose the war veterans’ leadership after its acolytes were interdicted by various court orders not to masquerade as war veteran leadership. The disclaimer by George Mlala from speaking as the Zimbabwe National Liberation War Veterans’ Association leadership at the ZANU PF organised supposed War Veterans’ solidarity march in support of president Mugabe show how the regime is slowly becoming clueless in dealing with dissent. Stepan argues that, although other factors may buckle authoritarian regimes, “…they are more likely to collapse under the strain of conflicts and contradictions that are purely internal”. Therefore, “If it performs its multiple functions well, the active democratic opposition can exacerbate discord among the authoritarians, as well as prepare the indispensable political foundations for a democratic successor regime”. It is within the context of attempting to create disharmony within the camp of ZANU PF authoritarianism that the solidarity to war veterans has to be interpreted. Yes, the results has the potential to boomerang catastrophically but it is worth a try.

Creating a Credible Democratic Alternative

The democratic opposition in Zimbabwe has successfully managed to push the first four key tasks whilst the last one of creating a democratic alternative remains a missing link. Zimbabwe’s democratic opposition has behaved almost like it is at some power pageant. It has continued to pile pressure on ZANU PF authoritarianism in variegated forms. There has been less if not failure to appreciate the complimentary role they play in eroding authoritarianism. It is within this context that the democratic opposition now need to coalesce under some sort of United Democratic Front. The political parties, trade unions, informal sector, ordinary citizens, social media and the subalterns, need to begin dialogue on creating a grassroots based movement that acts towards the attainment of a new Zimbabwe. The credible democratic alternative should articulate a new kind of politics and culture devoid of patronage and corruption. It is a politics based on the values of Transparency, Justice and Equity.

The importance of the growth of the democratic opposition needs no emphasis and the more they are, the merrier it is! Stepan reinforces this argument; “The larger and stronger these various non- or anti-authoritarian subsystems grow, the more effectively they can perform the other tasks of democratic opposition: contesting the legitimacy of the authoritarian regime, raising the costs of maintaining it, and generally grinding it down while building support for a democratic alternative”. It is only when Zimbabwe’s democratic opposition realises the above five key tasks that it will be able to crumble ZANU PF’s nationalist authoritarianism. The core business of the democratic opposition is to nature a grassroots campaign that gives rise to non- or anti-regime subsystems-and not direct assaults on the coercive elite. For Stepan and similarly for Zimbabwe, the active opposition's main order of business is to grow and multiply anti-regime subsystems in order to incrementally erode authoritarianism. There is need to keep the authoritarian regime on its tors until it tires and crumble.

Social Media, Democracy and the Pitfalls of Magic Bullet Activism in Zimbabwe.

Those born yesterday think that the struggle started yesterday. They do not know that before them, there was yesteryear. Those born today think that the struggle started when they were born. They do not know that before today, there was yesterday. Those born tomorrow will think that the struggle begins when they are born. They do not know that they will also become yesterday one day. It is all lies and deceit. Yesteryear, yesterday, today and tomorrow need each other in the fight against dictatorship. There will be no magic bullet activism that will liberate citizens from a dictatorship and the faster Zimbabwean progressives realise the better.  The struggle for freedom can never be privatised, it has always been the commons. Those who try to claim title deeds to the struggle have always failed to finish the race. This piece is prompted by the many mini-wars and private conversations with some fellow comrades regarding the events in Zimbabwe. Some have argued the birth of a new era where social media has replaced traditional activism. This argument has based its logic on the events in the Middle East now popularly known as the Arab Spring where it was argued to have been the magic bullet. Recent studies however, debunk this myth on the magic bullet effect of the social media in the Middle East. The politics preceded everything and social media gave it impetus. In this piece, I argue that there is no new or old phenomena in Zimbabwe. It’s only the coordinates of democratisation that have reconfigured themselves from the hostage of party based politics; a cancer that had undermined active and responsible citizenship. I further argue that the social media has not given rise to any new politics but has refined and nuanced the politics. It has become the extension and continuation of politics by other means.

Ever since the emergence of #ThisFlag Campaign, there has been a debate on the potential obsoleteness of mainstream democracy and advocacy based civil society and political parties that have dominated Zimbabwe’s quest for democratisation. Others were bold enough to write an obituary of mainstream and opposition parties. This thinking was further given currency by ascribing success of the #ZimShutdown of the 06^th and 7^th July 2016 to the power of social media and #ThisFlag. Such an approach sounded very elisionistic and if not opportunistic. It negates that social media does not substitute politics but rather edifies it.  The reductionist approach to the efficacy of #ThisFlag was unpacked in Lenin Chisaira’s article where he stressed the importance of the trade unions and kombi drivers and touts to ensure the success of the #ZimShutdown of the 06^th of July 2016. The material conditions preceding the 06^th of July #ZimShutdown had created a ripe situation for the coalescing of social forces in Zimbabwe. The factionalism in Zanu PF had managed to undermine and create lack of cohesion within the party- state and securocrat complex. The continuous prodding by the opposition, has always made sure the cost of authoritarianism remains high as argued by Alfred Stepan on the roles of the opposition. The protests by Kombi drivers in Mutare and in Harare against police extortionist roadblocks further psyched the national mood. The impact of S1 64 of 2016 which had adverse effects on cross-border traders and ordinary citizens saw riots erupting in Beitbridge. The failure of paying the June salaries by government to civil servants saw the civil service unions organising a crippling stayaway. However, some sections wittingly or unwittingly sought to appropriate the stayaway success under the banner of social media groups such as #Tajamuka and #ThisFlag. The result was fractionalisation of supposedly natural allies as the unions distanced themselves from the second call for a #ZimShutdown. The result was a flop, but the gods seemed to have been favourable to the pro-democracy movement as the arrest of pastor Mawarire galvanised people together in a show of solidarity. Lawyers under the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights banner provided both legal and moral support, whilst the democracy pressure groups and churches organised the numbers to provide the much needed solidarity. For prisoners of conscience, solidarity and support at the court means a lot and is a proven motivator for activists to keep going the extra-mile.

Notwithstanding the roles of mainstream civil society organisations and unorganised social classes; #ThisFlag managed to galvanise Zimbabweans on the social media and re-internationalise the struggle for democratisation. It managed to re-energise the pro-democracy movement and bring in a platform where citizens could engage outside the political parties and sometimes mainstream civil society organisations’ often partisan and circumscribed platforms. In addition, #ThisFlag challenged the old timers to be inventive and broaden their strategies. A cross sectional survey of the faces that came to give solidarity to Pastor Mawarire’s court trial reveal a mixture of the old and new timers. This offers hope that a new Zimbabwe is possible if organic organising and social media are harnessed together towards a common purpose. The celebration of the failure of the second #ZimShutdown by the Herald becomes a non-event as Pastor Mawarire’s court appearance authored a new narrative full of positive possibilities. Indeed it was a show of people power and the strength of the collective in dealing with national matters. Going forward there is a need for leaders from the mainstream civil society, opposition parties and social media movements to realise that they are more powerful in their collective.  Social Media organisations and -organisation play complimentary and not conflictual roles. Therefore, there is need to exercise extreme caution and avoid being carried by the moment. The language of useless marches and illegitimate/unauthentic social media pastors is misguided and ill-informed. The two are mutually inclusive and not exclusive. Attempts at glory seeking and pushing for selfish narratives will not get us anywhere. There is a danger of missing seeing our many potential complimentary confluences and focus on minor differences. There can’t be and there shan’t be any magic bullet activism in liberating Zimbabweans from the Mugabe dictatorship. The War Veterans did it and enjoyed their honeymoon but have become on the receiving end of the same politics that they advocated for. The War Veterans adopted a selfish agenda when Mugabe gave them ZW$50,000 (US$4,000) in 1997 and dumped the ordinary people’s struggles against a leadership that had become selfish and lost the moral campus to govern. War Veterans parochially claimed to have single-handed liberated people in a Rambo/Spiderman Style and thus could go around propping an illegitimate regime. They forgot the povo (ordinary people) fed them with their hard earned livestock and food, and at times provided real time intelligence and cover. The War veterans thought they were a magic bullet, until ZANU PF factional and succession politics neutralised them.

In conclusion, the realities of the challenge at hand, calls for a broader and united democratic front typical to the South African one. Therefore, there is need to realise that, the more the merrier and the better. Revolutionary consciousness should whip in the conduct and practices of supposed/potential allies not to spend their ammunition fighting each other. There is a danger that continuing in-fighting will render us into the proverbial fools that fought on how to share duiker that had not yet caught during a hunting party. The old and the new we are dancing to the same song and driven by a similar objective: the pursuit of happiness.