The
Limitations of Zimbabwe’s Contending Political Economy Paradigms and the 2018
Elections. Dr Tinashe Nyamunda*
The
Contending Paradigms.
As the 2018
elections in Zimbabwe draw near, the political contest on which political party
is best suited to steer the country towards a better future will be dominated
by the economic agenda during campaigns. The kind of language that both ZANU PF
and the opposition coalition led by the MDC (M) will use to persuade the
electorate has become all too familiar.
On the one
hand will be the nationalist/patriotic discourse celebrating land reform and
advancing the programme for indigenisation and economic empowerment. Inherently
connected to that is a sharp criticism of global imperial machinations against
Zimbabwe through sanctions against a party determined to defend the fruits of
its economic transformation following the fast track land reform programme. Underlying
this discourse is the argument that Zimbabwe is using local economic
transformation to challenge the worst excesses of enduring global imperialism.
ZANU PF will again depict the opposition, particularly the MDC, as a movement
that is severely compromised by collusion with the imperialist west to the
extent that it will struggle to balance local national interests against those
of the British and American governments.
Offering an
alternative narrative to this discourse is opposition politics that will claim
that the more immediate struggle is against nationalist authoritarianism.
Making reference to the unending economic crisis, the opposition will argue
that the ruling party presided over a poor human rights record, economic
collapse characterised by high deindustrialisation, record unemployment, the
informalisation of the economy and hyperinflation in the period between 2000 to
2009; as well as its contrasting current excesses of severe illiquidity. The
suggested alternative will be re-engagement with the global economy through
attracting investment and creating jobs for all.
The
Utility of the Paradigms?
Both
strategies are influential and very effective to respective constituencies of
the political parties, but are also limited in terms of their capacity to
sustainably develop a vibrant economy in the context of the complex global
political economy. This is especially true as Zimbabwe has experienced
tremendous changes in the nature of its society and economy, all of which have
been shaped by the trajectory that its politics has followed. At the attainment
of independence and for the better part of the first two decades, the political
narrative followed the contours of the now infamous patriotic history narrative
deployed to steer the power dynamics of the post-colony. Towards the turn of
the century and influenced by a number of political and economic changes, the
government shifted from its early collusion with colonial and foreign capital
(the reconciliation of Zimbabwe with Rhodesia) towards a kind of decolonial
turn characterised by the politics of radical economic redistribution of land
and commercial resources. The shift, forced as it was by forces outside the
corridors of power but ultimately shaped by consideration of political
survival, represented a kind of exhausted nationalism. In fact, the patriotic
narrative was criticised for elevating the record of the ruling party as one of
the sole authority on liberation, transformation and empowerment while failing
to call the state to account for the crisis it presided over since the 2000s.
Remembering
History: The Nuances
Historians of
Zimbabwe have indeed taken up the challenge to demonstrate that history is not
limited to a narrative about “armed men liberating the land from white
settlers”, that “the Zimbabwe crisis is by no means simply a land crisis. It is
best understood as ‘a complex set of historically specific, interrelated and
mutually reinforcing crises that need to be unpacked and analysed in relation
to one another’”. Historians cautioned that reducing history to political
agendas results “in the flattening of difference; the privileging of certain
voices over others; and the identification of hegemonic nationalism as the
bearer of improvement and progress”. This is not to discredit the nationalist
nuances of Zimbabwe’s history, but to call for more holistic and inclusive
histories. Such an approach decentres politics and incorporates other
perspectives in the search for a more sustainable challenge to the colonial
legacies that we still face today.
It was in
this context that the politics of democratic change emerged, promising to
repair the economic damage caused by the government’s radical turn. The MDC and
its various splinter factions’ main criticism about economic collapse was that
ZANU PF had failed to manage it and lost the confidence of foreign investors.
Not
Walking the Talk: Mugabe Enjoy Foreign Crisps at his Birthday
Although the
ruling party never sounds a trumpet to acknowledge this criticism, some its
senior members accept that the country is in crisis. But they offer a different
explanation. In their view, the radical changes to the economic structure from
one based on the colonial distribution of land and other resources were
critically overdue and required redress.
To them, such a marked shift in racial-economic relations upset the
diplomatic relations between Zimbabwe and the imperial west resulting in
sanctions. But the critical economic imbalance was still overdue and was
confronted by the deployment of big man authoritarian politics, requiring a
stalwart figure that could stand up to western condemnation. But in spite of
the limits of the nationalist party’s patriotic narrative and the democratic
discourse’s appeal, the country became split between the various emerging
interests. The economy, once formally based, anchored on agrarian development
and white monopoly and foreign capital, enjoying high employment and a vibrant
secondary industry was gradually transformed into one where the mass of the
unemployed exploited a vent within an informal economy arising out of formal
economic collapse and a reconstructed agrarian base. In this new narrative, the
patronage based politics of ZANU PF is pitted against the democratic and formal
economic recovery discourse of opposition politics whose main challenges is
representing workers in an economy dominated by informality and a dwindling
labour base.
Counting
the Opportunity Cost of Reform
But they
represent a very specific local political and economic dynamic that does not
adequately confront a much broader issue in Zimbabwe’s global economic
context. The nuanced character of
Zimbabwe’s economy is that interests have become widely disparate, depending on
economic access to resources.
ZAR200
Million Mansion: Allegedly Bought from Diamond Proceeds
The main
issues being addressed, and indeed for political expediency, are temporal. The
nationalist party’s discourse of transformation was land, but this had not
adequately yielded the expected transformative outcomes as poverty still reigns
and the economy struggles. The brief moment of the GNU and its currency
stabilisation, on the other hand, failed to persuade the nation to fully back
the political change, democracy and economic recovery discourse as the 2013
elections demonstrate. Certainly, the concerns of Zimbabwe’s electorate are
much more nuanced and disparate than initially envisaged. For example, the
concerns of the beneficiaries, at lower level of the value chain, of land
reform are their continued and undisturbed access to this resource, just as is
the case with people whose livelihoods have been based on state grants for
small businesses in trade, fisheries and other trades. This includes, higher up
the value chain, tenderpreneurs and politicians who have benefited from
national resources, for example in the mining in diamonds, platinum and gold.
To convince these beneficiaries of the imagined progressive alternative of
democracy politics would be difficult. On the other hand, to convince the
suffering middle class, mass of unemployed youths and informal traders that the
exclusive ZANU PF project can sustainably address the national economic
challenges has proved inadequate.
The
Limitations of the Redistributive or Radical Narrative
For me, the
political philosophy of Zimbabwe is too narrowly confined. We tend to forget
that any economic transformation, redistributed or not, if limited in scope to
the national context will not have a sustainable long term effect on the
economy. In my view, the discourse needs to incorporate broader
geo-political-economic considerations. For example, to what extent can external
markets determine the fortunes of our economy? I could argue that the best
example on how a state can sustain a formal vibrant national economy can be
derived from the UDI Rhodesian experience. Despite global sanctions against the
colony, the Rhodesian Front government managed to keep their heads above water,
managing to even prosper more significantly in comparison to our entire
postcolonial experience. But of course, the crucial benefits were for the
minority white constituency while Africans were kept at the periphery of this
economy. This is among the reasons why the liberation war was waged, to rid the
country of this discrimination, but the point is that the Rhodesians economic
coordination machinery worked to their advantage.
At
independence, much the same structures were maintained, in which the markets,
especially the external markets which Zimbabwe was re-integrated into,
influenced the direction of politics to a significant degree. This partially
explains why the ZANU PF government could not immediately implement radical
economic changes. As they were pushed into a corner, the changes emerged from
outside the state, from landless people seeking land, workers suffering
collapsing standards of living, war veterans demanding compensation, indigenous
business people unhappy with exclusion from the mainstream economy. The
opposition rode this wave of mass discontent to challenge nationalist rule. In
response, the state was forced to implement radical changes to appease pockets
of the discontented through land reform, compensating war veterans and
instituting programmes of indigenisation and economic empowerment. But this had
the adverse effect of affecting the markets, and the result was economic
plunge, most manifest in hyperinflation and demonetisation.
The
Global Markets: The Missing Link
But all
political formations, although disagreeing on the process, concur that many of
these changes were necessary. Yet they all regret the response of the markets
and desire a return to reengaging them. Therein lies the problem. The discourse
of attracting investment needs to consider the power that these markets have in
determining the political course of the nation. Markets have complex
relationships with developing countries, anchored as they are on highly nuanced
operations. The financial investments on stock markets, money markets, bonds
markets etc, depend on a very specific model of economy. Whatever the economic
reconfigurations within Zimbabwe and despite who leads it; beyond temporal
constituency appeasement, my main worry is the ability and extent to which the
markets will take us back to the beginning. This concern is never seriously
considered in our political discourse but needs some level of attention. It
should not just be about retaining power or political change, but should prompt
active imaginations about how to confront a fast-changing global economy that
has the power to direct how economies integrated into it operate. For me,
economic transformation limited to domestic considerations is inadequate and
can be rendered hopelessly unsound if they fall out of line with what investors
expect if they are to realise profitable returns. Not that we should comply
with market demands, far from it, we should understand how they work so that we
are able to navigate them and derive optimum benefit without compromising the
balanced aspiration of the disparate interests of those who constitute what can
become the nation of Zimbabwe. At present, we are too fractured on competing
visions of what the nation should be and the type of economy that should support
it, but I will urge all the leaders to consider imagining this local/global
economy nexus as part of their very crucial strategies towards appeasing their
various constituencies in terms of the immediate demands placed on them.
*Dr Tinashe
Nyamunda is a Postdoctoral Research Fellow with the International Studies
Group, University of the Free State, South Africa.
Born-Free
but Not Free: The Dilemmas of the Post-Independence Generation.
Sharon Wekwete*
Not
Yet Uhuru: Chasing the Shadows of Freedom
I know I am
still young but sometimes I feel so old. I was born free but, for most of my
life, I have had to carry the weight of the world on my shoulders. Granted, I
have enjoyed some of the benefits that came with independence from colonial
oppression but the fruits of liberation seem to have left a bad, sour taste in
my mouth.
As a young
girl, I enjoyed a measure of blissful ignorance in the “new” Zimbabwe of the
early 80s. I remember playing games like switi, stuck in the mud, and piggy in
the middle. Some days I literally chased every yellow butterfly I saw. Little
did I know that later in my life, I would be jumping up and down but ultimately
getting nowhere. That I would find myself truly stuck in the mud, and
constantly feeling like that piggy in the middle, vainly dodging blows from
balls being thrown at me from different angles at once.
It seems like
all I am chasing are the shadows of my dreams – reaching out but never quite
grasping them.
The
Dream Deferred or Stolen?
Many of my
fellow “born free” millennial comrades share my sentiments – there is a sense
of having been cheated somehow. We sit in our homes and try to piece together
broken promises while disillusionment sets in like a chilling dampness, even as
we strive daily to shake its hold off our lives.
Our
individual and collective growth and development as young Zimbabweans seems to
be stunted. Opportunities that were almost ripe for us to pick have fallen to
the ground and are rotting.
All
Seeking Escape: Queuing for Visas at SA Embassy in Harare
Meanwhile,
colleagues in the diaspora are maximising their potential and experiencing
career growth in leaps and bounds – not all of them, but many of them. Not that
we are any different from them, but just that the environment they operate in welcomes
their participation, supports their ideas and rewards them for raising their
hand.
We, however,
are spending the prime of our lives trying to make ends meet, in spite of our
much-exalted education. Unable to keep up with school fees. Unable to give our
children a better life than we had. Unable to support our parents adequately.
Unable to keep a business afloat. Unable to plan beyond three months. Unsure of
what tomorrow holds. Unconvinced by newspaper headlines attempting to paint a
rosy picture with glowing reports of government’s hollow exploits.
So-called
professionals are professional vendors. Instead of working for a living, many
are hustling…or worse. The question that begs: Is this what freedom means?
We
Have the Power to Claim Our Future
If anyone
asks me what I want for Christmas in 2018, this is it: I want my future back. I
just want a fair shot at achieving the highest and best expression of myself,
whatever that may look like. Not only do I want it, but my country needs it,
and from all of us. In the words of African American poet June Jordan, made
famous by Alice Walker, “we are the ones we have been waiting for”.
Perhaps you
feel the same way. I hope so.
The question
remains, however, what are going to do now? We must play a part in getting our
own future back. We must have “skin in the game” now. For too long, we have
been not-so-innocent bystanders, unwilling to own up to our complicity in the
situation we find ourselves in.
Merely crying
about our problems is largely unproductive and only wastes our energy. Rather
let us channel that energy towards actively working to bring about the Zimbabwe
we want. The Zimbabwe that supports the aspirations of its people. The Zimbabwe
that our children and grandchildren will thrive in. The Zimbabwe that has a
reputation for not just hard work and education, but creativity, integrity,
diversity, productivity, prosperity and even political maturity.
Turning
the Tide of History to the Future
We are
forever grateful to a generation of liberators who made enormous sacrifices to
bring us to where we are today. However, they have taken us as far as they can.
The only way to preserve the past is by securing the future. The current
environment, locally and globally, requires new ways of thinking, drawing on
the wisdom and learning from the mistakes of those that have gone before us.
Bridges must be built to allow a generation of nation builders to cross over,
to rise up and take their place in history. One of my dreams is to see all our
leaders, past, present and future, converge to strategise and find ways to move
this great nation forward. I believe this can happen if selfishness can be put
aside. We need to find each other and do so genuinely.
The spoils of
wars that were fought before I even took my first breath are rightfully mine by
virtue of being a daughter of this soil. There is no doubt that Zimbabwe
belongs to me, and it belongs to you too. We are citizens, after all.
The
Answer Lies in Active Citizenship
So how do we
lay claim to our inheritance?
We can begin
by practising everyday citizenship. Sometimes small things done deliberately
can create big changes. Here are just a few off the top of my head:
Volunteer for
a community service project or start one in your neighbourhood
Learn to
overcome your fear to speak out and stand for what is right, even in the most
trivial circumstances. Everyone has a voice – use yours wisely.
Silvanos Mudzvova Taking Protest to
Parliament
Attend a few
Parliamentary hearings and send in your submissions
Know what the
Constitution of Zimbabwe says
Fill a
pothole near your home/school/office
Pick up
litter when you see it lying around
Pay for
someone else’s fare on the kombi when you have a little extra
Get to know
your local councillor and MP. Ask them the hard questions, have crucial
conversations and hold them accountable.
Become the
local councillor or MP in 2018 – you only need to be 18 years old and a
Zimbabwean citizen to qualify
Register to
vote
Vote
Find
something positive to do in this country
Whatever form
that action takes, we each have to play our “small but necessary part”.
African
Freedom Day Amidst Nationalist Tyranny
As we
commemorated Africa Day on May 25th, I wondered to myself how and what other
young people on this continent are celebrating. Do we know enough about our own
history? Do we know and understand or appreciate the complexities of the
struggle for the right of self-determination? The struggle was to liberate us
from any form of oppression and injustice whether from white or black as the
legendary Josiah Magama Tongogara remarked: “We are fighting to see that this
oppressive system is crushed…But I am dying to see a change in the system.
That’s all and that’s all. I would like to see the young people enjoying
together, black and white. Enjoying together in a New Zimbabwe and that’s
all”. It follows, that as Africa’s young
we appreciate that Africa Day’s marks an important history of the continent and
as we celebrate it, take stock of the dream of independence stolen by the
nationalist elites.
Whither
the Youth: Unemployed Graduates Are on the Rise
An
ever-increasing youth bulge on the African continent means amidst no clear
strategies and deliberate policies to address unemployment and livelihood
questions means we will reach unprecedented levels of unemployment by 2030.
Former Nigerian president Olusegun Obasanjo says that this is a powder keg
waiting to explode. It is no longer sufficient to talk about employment in the
traditional sense. We have to understand the future of work – not just jobs -
in the context of a globalised world where the rate of change is accelerating.
As young Zimbabweans, we have to interrogate the policies of our government and
whether they will deliver the 2 million jobs promised or whether it is just puffing
hot air. All we can expect is more smoke and mirrors to keep us distracted
while the hard work of looting continues. Already, it is claimed that the
Beitbridge-Chirundu Highway is going to create 300000 jobs - a statistic just
thrown around to excite us and to create a semblance of hope as the spin gains
momentum towards the 2018 elections. These are the “lies, damned lies and
statistics” that Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli warned against. Young people
in Zimbabwe need to listen attentively and analyse these figures being thrown
around to avoid being deceived.
Those who,
through colonialism and apartheid, oppressed our fathers and mothers long ago
banked on them remaining divided and weak. But they realised that they shared a
common enemy and united towards one destiny of a free and prosperous Africa,
hence we commemorate Africa Day. So, it is today, where we are confronted by a
similar challenge of oppression not from the white men but from our own people.
But even as they had a choice to make, we also have to make a choice and this
responsibility we cannot subcontract to anyone or defer to any other
generation. In fact, it is a historic mandate.
Never
Wait for a Revolution: The Whole is Greater than the Sum of its Parts
We could
remain trapped in the vicious cycle of blaming, pointing fingers, accusing,
complaining, being angry and - worst of all – apathetic. – Or we could choose
to be victims no more.
I propose
that instead of simply imputing blame, we take responsibility. That is what
true leadership is about. By coming together with like-minded people who share
our patriotism and our passion for national development, I am convinced that we
can start to turn things around. A critical mass of concerned citizens can be
very disruptive, but in a good way. Let us not wait for some far off revolution
because all small actions count and the sum of the number is greater than the
whole. Instead, let us do something small where ever we are and seek to
collaborate with others who share our values in the quest for a better life. As
one wise man in Zimbabwe has stated, you start with a trickle, then it becomes
a stream, then a river then a flood.
*Sharon
Wekwete is a concerned Zimbabwean citizen, a lawyer and Humphrey Fellow with
interests in institutional reform, anti-corruption, youth leadership &
political participation as well as international development. She is also the
founder of the Institute for the Development of African Leadership (IDEAL).
Contact her on sharonwekwete@gmail.com
The
Resurgence of the Democratic Movement in Zimbabwe. Morgan
Richard Tsvangirai*
The
Democratic Opposition on the Rise
It might have
taken long in coming but the past few months have seen the much-awaited
resurgence of the democratic movement in Zimbabwe.
For a long
time, this is what the people of Zimbabwe have been clamouring for; in the hope
that such a convergence would provide the much-needed fillip for change in a
country now tottering on the brink of becoming a failed State.
The pace
might not be breath-taking, but slowly, the convergence of the country’s
democratic forces is becoming a reality. It is pertinent to state from the
outset that as a party, we have played our part in this congregation of the
democratic forces.
Indeed,
contrary to the misinformed refrain by our detractors, we have shown that it
has never bandied ourselves the big boys of the democratic movement. In the
past few months, we have shown that we truly believe that everyone has a part
to play in the democratization of our country, notwithstanding the stubborn
fact that that of all the democratic forces, we have the biggest representation
both in Parliament and in local government where we control major cities, towns
and rural district councils.
However, we
have not allowed these unstinting facts to stand in the way of the urgent need
for all the democratic forces in the country to coalesce and mount a formidable
challenge in the next election.
Convergence
of All Progressive Forces is the Way
We were the
first through the resolutions of our 4th national Congress in October 2014 to
come up with two important resolutions. The first was urging all people to come
under one big tent; the second was to publicly call for the coalition of
like-minded groups in order to liquidate the palpable mis-governance and
cluelessness that has overwhelmed the seat of government.
Since then,
we have been up and running up until our national council gave legs to the
Congress resolutions by adopting principles and a framework to guide the
process of alliance building.
After all,
working with others runs in our blood. The formation of the MDC was in itself a
product of the alliance of the labour movement, the constitutional movement and
the student movement. Hence, our commitment in 2014 to working with others was
simply a restatement of our totem!
Following the
adoption of the principles guiding the alliance-building process by the
national council, I then began a nation-wide consultation with ordinary
Zimbabweans including traditional chiefs, headmen, village heads, civic groups,
housewives, vendors, students and women’s groups in all the provinces. It was
important to de-elitize the alliance-building discourse by devolving it to the
people; to the villages, the farming communities and the town halls so as to
tap into the wisdom of the ordinary people.
As the one
mandated by my party to lead the process of alliance building, I can say with
confidence that I found the consultations very enriching as I received further direction
from the ordinary people, who expressed their wish to see the broader
democratic movement working together.
From Hwange,
Binga, Plumtree, Beitbridge, Gokwe to Bikita, Chimanimani, Mudzi, Mount Darwin
and Nyamakate, they were all very emphatic on the need for a huge national
coalition for change. I know because I personally engaged the people. And I
heard them.
As a party,
we have been engaging others in the broader democratic movement, far much more
than those with whom we have signed MOUs in line with the directive from the
people. We have been very clear from the outset that the alliance we seek goes
beyond just political parties to include networks such as the church, war
veterans, students, vendors, traditional leaders and women’s groups whose sonorous
instructions are still ringing in my mind.
Indeed, we
want to build a huge coalition for change that goes beyond party slogans; a
coalition rooted in the people in their various social stations where they
continue to slug it out under very difficult circumstances.
As we prepare
for the voter registration exercise, we must encourage each other to register
and determine our own future. This election is no longer about Morgan
Tsvangirai, Robert Mugabe, Welshman Ncube, Amai Mujuru, Simba Makoni or any other
political leader for that matter. This election is about us as a people and it
has now become a national obligation for all of us to turn out in our large
numbers and use the opportunity of 2018 to poise the country for positive
change.
The
Task Ahead: Convergence on Transformative Policy Agenda.
Once we have
built this alliance---and we are well on course—we must agree on a credible
policy agenda as a key signpost to the positive change we seek.
We must not
only have a pre-election pact about seats and other relatively petty matters
but we must agree on the fundamentals of the policy agenda that we will embark
on after the next election.
Given the
comatose state of our industry, our dilapidated infrastructure and the
country’s despicable and tenuous predicament, it has become imperative that we
embark on a transformation and not a recovery agenda. Recovery is an
understatement of what we need to do. We simply need to start afresh.
Passengers
at Harare Station: NRZ Used to be First Choice of Travel
Indeed, our
predicament is now well beyond any patchwork. It is now about the massive
transformation of all facets of our economy. It behoves upon the nation to
appreciate that the new administration faces a really daunting task. Yet it is
a task that must be done.
All alliance
partners need convergence on that transformative policy agenda that must yield
a people’s manifesto with details on the key tenets for transformation, not
recovery. As I have already stated, given our parlous state, we simply need to
start on a new slate. Even in our once-thriving industrial sector that has
since collapsed, the technology has simply advanced way beyond the archaic,
idle and obsolete machinery that we still have in the country. I say this
because we cannot commit the same grievous mistake made by our colleagues when
they came into office in 1980. They thought the attainment of independence was
the destination when in fact 1980 actually marked the beginning of a critical
phase of the struggle. They came in without a cogent plan but we have to be
very clear about what we will do well ahead of the next election.
Our
colleagues failed to realize that political independence, while it was
important, was insufficient. It is always the stretch beyond liberation and
political independence where the real work lies. The magnitude of the mammoth
work beyond a people’s liberation must not be lost in the excitement of the
fall of the strongman! In our case, it is not just about consigning Mugabe and
Zanu PF to the dustbins of history. The real work begins the morning after and
we have to be very clear from the outset what we will to do. And because time
is not on our side, we need to agree on that transformative agenda now so that
after the next election, it is all about implementing an agreed programme of
action.
Indeed,
discussions around this issue are taking shape, tapping into the knowledge of
sharp policy minds in the country and on the continent as well as the
experience of other countries that have at some point hit rock bottom, as we
have done.
Despair
Not Zimbabweans: There is Light Beyond the Darkness
Fellow
Zimbabweans, I wish to restate that we are on course, even though the pace
might appear slow. The broader democratic movement has awakened and is slowly
coming together.
In my case, I
have met with the church, political leaders from across the spectrum, the army,
war veterans, civil servants and leaders of various social networks and civic
groups who all converge on the need for a positive trajectory for this country that
we love.
We are very
much aware, of course, that the stakes are high and that the regime will invest
scarce national resources into nothing else but power retention.
Part
of the Fleet of Cars Allegedly Bought from Treasury Loot
We must be
ready for them, armed with no other weapon except our sheer unity and a
collective resolve for change. All we need is a formidable unity that spans
from the top to the very grassroots of our nation.
And we are
getting there!
The huge task
ahead is to ensure that the people freely express themselves in a credible
election. To that end, we have shattered our petty differences in the
democratic movement. We have found each other and we are now working together
under one huge banner of the Zimbabwe National Electoral Reform Agenda
(ZINERA). The aim is to ensure that the people’s free expression truly holds
and that the country undergoes a peaceful transition where no one must feel
their life is endangered.
The change we
seek will be good for every Zimbabwean, even for those who have tenaciously
fought and frowned upon any prospect for change over the years. I wish to
restate that we mean no harm to anyone and none of us should feel endangered by
the change we seek.
For some us,
the debate around the next election should never be about positions but about
conditions! Who holds what position in the new administration is a petty debate
being foisted on the nation by small minds, opportunists and detractors of our
people; the true sell outs of the people’s struggle.
The next
election has always been about Zimbabwe and its urgent quest to move forward,
without tainting that clear discourse with a needless debate about positions
and personalities.
We in the
broader democratic movement are all agreed on one thing; that we cannot let
this one chance slip or else future generations will not forgive us for letting
them down.
The
democratic movement is on the resurgence and indeed, a new Zimbabwe beckons on
the horizon.
*Morgan Richard
Tsvangirayi is Former Prime Minister of Zimbabwe and the Current President of
MDC-T
